CHAPTER IV

THE EDDY REBELLION.

THE Eddy Rebellion does not occupy much space in history, but it was an important event in the district where it occurred, and in the lives of those who were responsible for it. The leaders were Colonel Jonathan Eddy, Sheriff John Allan, or "Rebel John," as he was afterwards called, William Howe, and Samuel Rogers. Eddy, Rogers and Allan had been, or were at that time members of the Assembly at Halifax. Allan was a Scotsman by birth, the others were from New England.

The pretext for the rebellion was the militia order of Governor Legge; the real reason was the sympathy of the New Englanders with their brother colonists. It was represented at the Continental Congress that six hundred persons in Nova Scotia, whose names were given, were ready to join any army who might come to their help. If these six hundred names represented those who were of an age to bear arms, then the statement of Arbuthnot that the New Englanders were all disloyal was correct.

The first step taken in opposition to Governor Legge's order was to petition against its enforcement. The petition from Cumberland referred to the destruction of the fort on the St. John River as "rather an act of inconsideration than otherwise," and then said, "those of us who belong to New England, being invited into this Province by Governor Lawrence's proclamation, it must be the greatest piece of cruelty and imposition for them to be subjected to march into different parts in arms against their friends and relations. The Acadians among us being also under the same situation, most, if not all, having friends distributed in different parts of America, and that done by order of His Majesty."

This petition was signed by sixty-four persons in Cumberland, the Amherst petition was signed by fifty-eight, and the Sackville one by seventy-three. Fifty-one of the petitioners were Acadians. The date was December 23rd, 1775.

Governor Legge took no other action on these petitions than to send them at once to the British Government as evidence of the disloyalty of

the Province, and at the same time he wrote to the Earl of Dartmouth that some persons had spread the report that he was trying to draw the militia to Halifax that he might transport them to New England and make soldiers of them. He also adds, "The consequence of such reports influenced the whole country, so that many companies of the militia have refused to assemble, ending in these remonstrances which here in a public manner have been transmitted to your Lordship."

As soon as it became known to the petitioners that Governor Legge would not cancel the militia order, and that the petitions had been forwarded to Downing Street, it was decided to elect delegates to meet in Cumberland to take into consideration what steps should next be taken. Accordingly, representatives appointed by the petitioners met at Inverma, the home of Sheriff Allan. Jonathan Eddy and Sheriff Allan were there as members of the convention, and took especial pains to urge upon the meeting that the time had arrived for decided action. Either they must cast in their lot with their friends in Massachusetts and Connecticut, or they must be loyal to the British Government. They also made it clear that they could not hold the country against the British without help from their friends. The decision must have been in favor of independent action, as almost immediately Colonel Eddy started for New England with the intention of securing help from that quarter. Allan remained for a while longer in the country, but his outspoken sympathy with the rebel cause was soon reported to the Government and steps were taken to have him arrested.

About this time Rogers' and Allan's seats in the Legislature were declared vacant, and a reward of two hundred pounds was offered for the apprehension of Eddy and one hundred pounds each for Allan, Rogers, and Howe. Allan's biographer, in writing of this period in his life, says, "His life being now in danger, he resolved to leave the Province for the revolted colonies; but previous to his departure he made several excursions among the Indians to the northward and by his influence secured for the rebel provinces the co-operation of a large number of the Micmac tribe." He left Cumberland in an open boat on August 3rd, 1776, and coasting along the Bay of Fundy, reached Passamaquoddy Bay on the

11th. In Machias Bay, which he entered on the 13th, he found Col. Eddy with twenty-eight others in a schooner on their way to the Bay of Fundy to capture Fort Cumberland. Allan tried to induce Eddy to abandon the expedition for the present, urging that it was impossible to accomplish anything with so small a force. Colonel Eddy was headstrong and sanguine, and kept on his way. He was sure more men would follow him, and he expected to get a large addition to his force when he reached the St. John River.

Allan, in the meantime, pushed on to Machias, and after spending a few days there, went as far as the Piscataquis River by water, and thence he took the stage to Boston. From Boston he proceeded to Washington's headquarters, giving New York, which was then in possession of the British, a wide berth. He dined with Washington, and talked over the situation. On the 4th of January he was introduced to the Continental Congress, where he made a full statement of matters in Nova Scotia.

After some deliberation, Congress appointed him Superintendent of the Eastern Indians and a colonel of infantry. He received his instructions from Hon. John Hancock, and left at once for Boston. While there he urged upon the members in council the necessity of protecting the eastern part of Maine, and showed the advantage it would be to the rebels if, by sending out an armed force, they could take possession of the western part of Nova Scotia. This the Council promised to do.

After giving this advice, Allan himself set out to show what could be done by raiding the loyal settlers on the River St. John. This expedition was not very successful, and Colonel Allan was glad to get back to Maine, and take up the duties of his new position as Superintendent of the Eastern Indians. He made Machias his headquarters, and to the end of his life, which came in the year 1805, he remained a resident of the State of Maine.

Beamish Murdoch, the historian of Nova Scotia, in a letter to a relative of Colonel John Allan, says: "If the traditions I have heard about John Allan are correct, he could not have been much over twenty- one years old in 1775. As he had no New England ancestors, his escapade must be attributed to ambition, romance, or pure zeal for what he thought was just and right. For the feelings against the Crown in Nova Scotia in 1775 were

confined to the Acadian French, who resented the conquest, the Indians who were attached to them by habit and creed, and to the settlers who were emigrants from New England."

Mr. Murdoch was mistaken in the age of Allan. John Allan was born in Edinburgh Castle at about "half after one" of the clock, on January 3rd, 1746 (O. S.), and was baptized on the 5th by Mr. Glasgow. He thus must have been in his 30th year when he joined the Eddy rebels.

After Colonel Eddy's interview with Colonel Allan in Machias Bay, he pushed on to Cumberland, and landed in Petitcodiac. His little army had increased considerably since he left Machias. At the mouth of the Petitcodiac River he stationed a small force to watch for any reinforcements that might be coming to Fort Cumberland. With the main body of his followers he started overland for Chignecto, after he had supplied his commissariat from the loyal settlers along the river.

They crossed the Memramcook well up to the head of that river, and took a straight course for Point Midgic. Then going through the woods above the Jolicure Lakes, they came to the home of Colonel Allan, in Upper Point de Bute. Mrs. Allan and her children were still there, and there was no disposition on the part of the inhabitants of Jolicure to interfere in any measure against the rebels.

At Allan's it was learned that a vessel with provisions had been seen in the bay, heading for Fort Cumberland. Eddy sent a number of scouts down, with instructions to capture the vessel. Under the cover of darkness and a thick fog,they were able to locate the sloop in Cumberland Creek without being seen by the men on the look-out. In the early morning, when the leader of the scouts suddenly levelled his gun at the one man on deck, and called out, "If you move you are a dead man," the surprise was complete, and the man obeyed orders. The rebels boarded the sloop, and soon had all hands in irons. As it grew lighter, and the fog cleared away, Captain Baron and missionary Egleston from the fort came down to the vessel, suspecting nothing, and were both made prisoners. Egleston was taken to Boston, and remained a prisoner for eighteen months. As soon as the tide turned the vessel floated out of Cumberland Creek, and headed for the Missiquash. The Union Jack was hauled down and the Stars and Stripes run up in its

place.

This capture greatly elated the rebels, furnishing them, as it did, with supplies, of which they probably stood in considerable need. The sloop could run up the Missiquash near to the farms of the Eddys, Jonathan and William, who at the time owned most of the upper part of Fort Lawrence.

Colonel Eddy now decided to lose no time, but attack the fort at once. His army camped at Mount Whatley, near where the residence of David Carter now stands. Mount Whatley was called Camp Hill for a number of years after this.

While these things were being done by the rebels the English were not idle. A hundred and fifty regulars, under Colonel Gorham, had been sent to assist the garrison and strengthen the defences of the fort. When all was ready in the rebel camp, Colonel Eddy sent the following summons to Lieutenant-Colonel Gorham, demanding his surrender:

"To Joseph Gorham, Esq., Lieut.-Colonel Commandt. of the Royal Fencibles Americans, Commanding Fort Cumberland:

"The already too plentiful Effusion of Human Blood in the Unhappy Contest between Great Britain and the Colonies, calls on every one engaged on either side, to use their utmost Efforts to prevent the Unnatural Carnage, but the Importance of the Cause on the side of America has made War necessary, and its Consequences, though in some Cases shocking, are yet unavoidable. But to Evidence that the Virtues of humanity are carefully attended to, to temper the Fortitude of a Soldier, I have to summon you in the Name of the United Colonies to surrender the Fort now under your Command, to the Army sent under me by the States of America. I do promise that if you surrender Yourselves as Prisoners of War you may depend upon being treated with the utmost Civility and Kind Treatment; if you refuse I am determined to storme the Fort, and you must abide the consequences. "Your answer is expected in four Hours after you receive this and the Flag to Return safe. "I am Sir, "Your most obedt. Hble. Servt., "JONA EDDY, "Commanding Officer of the United Forces. "Nov. 10, 1776."

He received the following reply:

"SIR, "I acknowledge the receipt of a Letter (under coular of Flagg of

Truce) Signed by one Jonan Eddy, Commanding officer, expressing a concern at the unhappy Contest at present Subsisting between Great Britain and the Colonys, and recommending those engaged on either side to use their Endeavors to prevent the too Plentiful effusion of human Blood, and further Summoning the Commanding officer to surrender this garrison. "From the Commencement of these Contest I have felt for my deluded Brother Subjects and Countrymen of America, and for the many Innocent people they have wantonly Involved in the Horrors of an Unnatural Rebellion, and entertain every humane principle as well as an utter aversion to the Unnecessary effusion of Christian Blood. Therefore Command you in His Majesty's name to disarm yourself and party Immediately and Surrender to the King's Mercy, and further desire you would communicate the Inclosed Manifests to as many of the Inhabitants you can, and as Speedily as possible to prevent their being involved in the Same dangerous and Unhappy dilemma. "Be assured, Sir, I shall never dishonour the character of a Soldier by Surrendering my command to any Power except to that of my Sovereign from whence it originated. I am, Sir, "Your most hble servt, "JOS. GORHAM, "Lt.-Col., Com'at, R. F. A., "Commanding Officer at Fort Cumberland."

The following is Colonel Eddy's own account of the first attack on Fort Cumberland, given in "Eastern Maine" (Kidder, p. 69): "Upon Colonel Gorham's Refusal to surrender we attempted to storm the Fort in the Night of the 12th Nov. with our scaling Ladders and other Accoutrements, but finding the Fort to be stronger than we imagined (occasioned by late Repairs), we thought fit to Relinquish our Design after a heavy firing from their Great Guns and small Arms, with Intermission for 2 Hours, which we Sustained without any Loss (except one Indian being wounded), who behaved very gallantly, and Retreated in good Order to our Camp."

Previous to the first attack on the place, Eddy had arranged with an Indian to sneak into the fort and open the main gate; he would have his men ready to rush in and take the place by assault. While the attack was in progress the Indian got into the place and was in the act of unbarring the gates when he was discovered by Major Dickson. The major spoiled the

little scheme by slashing the Indian's arm with his sword, which left him maimed for life. The assailants soon after this retreated without any very serious loss.

In another attack, made a few days later,the large barracks on the south-east side of the fort were set on fire, in the hope that it would communicate with the magazine. It is said a traitor in the rebel camp warned the English of the second attack. This also failed, but the barracks and a number of houses near the fort were burned.

Before the rebels had a chance to make a third attack, a sloop of war arrived in the Basin with four hundred men to reinforce the garrison. Colonel Eddy seems not to have heard of the arrival of these troops. Their presence, however, enabled Col. Gorham to take the offensive, and the rebel camp was attacked. Eddy did not wait to try the mettle of his men, but got away with the loss of one man. With as many of his followers as he could hold together he hastened toward Bay Verte. A short distance beyond the Inverma Farm, a squad took ambush in a thicket near a bridge, and when the regulars in pursuit were crossing the bridge the party fired a volley, killing several of the soldiers and wounding others. This so incensed the troops that they returned and set fire to Sheriff Allan's house, which was burned to the ground, together with a number of other buildings in the neighborhood. Mrs. Allan and her children escaped to the woods, where they remained until hunger compelled them to come out. She was found some days after this by her father, Mark Patton, having lived for some time on baked potatoes picked up around the burned dwelling, and was taken to his home not far from the fort. Mrs. Allan was not allowed to remain long with her father, but was carried a prisoner to Halifax. She remained only in Halifax a few months when she was given her liberty and rejoined her husband at Machais.

Eddy, after going in the direction of Bay Verte for some time, finding he was not pursued, turned his steps toward Point Midgic, where he had called while on his march to Chignecto. From there he made his way back to Machais. Just what route he pursued, or how great the difficulties he met with in this long, tiresome journey, has never been given to the public. Machais, until the close of the war, was the rendezvous of privateers and

all manner of adventurers, both before and after the arrival of Eddy and Allan. Colonel Eddy's escape from Chignecto ended the rebellion in that district so far as any hope remained of a successful attempt to hand over the government of the country to the New Englanders, but the differences of opinion among neighbors, the raids of rebel bands in the district, together with the burning of a number of buildings, created a strong feeling that it took years to allay.

Mr. James Dixon, in the "History of the Dixons," speaking of this period says:

"The rebels found more congenial employment in raiding the homes of the loyal and peaceable inhabitants, plundering them of such articles as they were in need of, and destroying or carrying away any guns or ammunition they might find. Mr. Dixon's home did not escape their unwelcome notice. His house was robbed of many valuable articles, some of which he kept for sale. For a considerable period the loyal inhabitants, notably the English settlers, were subjected to a state of anxiety, and lived in dread of a repetition of such unwelcome visits. On one occasion, when some of these people were approaching the house, Mrs. Dixon hastily gathered up her silverware and other valuables and deposited them in a barrel of pig feed, where they quite escaped the notice of the visitors. On a later occasion, when somewhat similar troublous times existed, Mr. Dixon, with the aid of his negro servant, Cleveland, hid his money and other valuables in the earth, binding his servant by a solemn oath never to divulge to anyone the place of concealment."

Nor was all the destruction of property chargeable to the rebels. At this time a number of the loyal settlers, who, it is said, had been drinking freely, surrounded the house of Mr. Obediah Ayer, who was in sympathy with the rebels, and set fire to his place, intending to burn the inmates. Mrs. Ayer was warned by her neighbors and escaped to the woods with her baby in her arms. After the raiders departed she with her children found a temporary home with a neighbor. Her husband did not dare appear for many days, but hid in the woods by day and visited his family at night.

The raid of Allan on the St. John gave the Government uneasiness in that quarter for some time longer. As mentioned before, there were two

Eddys, Jonathan and William. They owned adjoining farms in Fort Lawrence. The upper road leading from Fort Lawrence to Amherst still bears the name of the "Eddy Road." It was probably made through the Eddy grant, and the Eddys may have been instrumental in its construction. It is related that William Eddy, after the rebellion, came back to Fort Lawrence to settle his business and take his wife and family out of the country. To escape being made a prisoner at that time he kept hid in a hay- stack in the day-time and visited his home during the night. One night the soldiers who were watching saw him enter the house and at once surrounded the place, sending in two of their number to bring out the prisoner. Mrs. Eddy would give no knowledge of her husband's whereabouts. The house was thoroughly searched, but the man could not be found. The soldiers were dumbfounded. The fact is, that when Mrs. Eddy saw the soldiers coming, she told her husband to cover himself in a bin of grain in the chamber and place his mouth close to a crack on the side of the bin over which had been tacked a piece of list to prevent the grain from coming out. She would tear off the list and that would give him air to breathe. Her husband did as directed. When the officer who was making the search came to the grain-bin he thrust his sword into it, and said, "He is not there." Mr Eddy said afterwards that the sword went

between his body and arm, so near was he being made a prisoner.

Inverma, the home of Sheriff Allan, is now owned, in part, by Councillor Amos Trueman, and is still called by that name. It consisted at that time of three hundred and forty-eight acres of marsh and upland and was no doubt part of the Allan grant of 1763. Besides the Sheriff's own house there were six or seven small houses occupied by Acadian families as tenants, also two large barns and four smaller ones.

Allan's wife was Mary Patton, the daughter of Mark Patton, who was at one time a large property-owner on the Isthmus. Patton Point, in the Missiquash valley, still goes by his name. His home farm joined the glebe lands of the parish, and was afterwards bought by William Trueman and given to his son, Thomas. I find the following entry in William Trueman's journal, referred to elsewhere:

"Old Mrs. Patton was buried at the burying-ground by Thomas

Trueman, July 31st, in the 92nd year of her age."

This lady was no doubt Mrs. Allan's mother. She had continued to live at the old place after Thomas Trueman had taken possession, and as this was in the year 1808, she had lived thirty-two years after her daughter left the country.

The question has been asked, would it not have been better for the northern half of this continent if the Eddy rebellion had succeeded and what is now Canada had become one country with the United States? The name Americans could then fairly have been claimed by the citizens of the great Republic and a people whose interests and aspirations are identical, and whose religion, language and customs are the same, would have been united in carrying out the destiny of the Anglo-Saxon in America. This may sound very well, but events have transpired in the last hundred and twenty-five years that point unmistakably to the conclusion that the God of history intended this northern land called Canada to work out its own destiny independent of the southern Republic. At the period of the Eddy rebellion Nova Scotia was still in the cradle and had no grievances to redress. New Brunswick as a Province had no existence. Never in all history had a conquered country been treated so justly by the victors as had Quebec. Ontario at this time was but a western wilderness. It will thus be seen that there would have been no justification for the new settlers in this northern land to have joined hands with the thirteen older colonies.

Another preliminary objection can be found in the situation of the Loyalists of 1783, from the fact that one of the grandest band of exiles that was ever driven from fireside and country would have found no place on the continent to make new homes for themselves. This would have placed them in infinitely worse circumstances than that body of noble men and women of another race that twenty-eight years earlier in the century had been driven out as exiles to wander in hardship and want on that same New England coast. These Loyalists brought to Canada the sterling principle, the experience in local Government, the sturdy, independent manhood and business experience and energy which this northern land needed to make it one of the most prosperous and best governed countries in the world. To think what Canada would have been without the Loyalists

helps one to see more clearly how fortunate it was that the Eddy rebellion was crushed.

The British Empire may owe more to the loyal Yorkshire emigrants than has ever been fairly accorded to them. Canada as a coterie of colonies furnished Great Britain with a training school for her statesmen that she did not otherwise possess. In this way British North America has been the prime factor in placing Great Britain first among the nations of the world in the government of colonies. It is true English ministers and English governors made mistakes and had much to learn before the present system was fully adopted, but the descendants of the Loyalists and those who remained true to the Crown during the stormy years of the Revolution were not likely to stir up strife without a just cause. And is it claiming too much to say that to Canada's remaining loyal in 1776 is due to a very large extent the proud position Great Britain holds to-day as the mother of nations, the founder of the greatest colonial empire the world has yet seen? There are those who believe that the principle of equality and fraternity, of government by the people and for the people, the freedom for which the Pilgrim Fathers faced the stormy Atlantic and for which Washington fought against such odds, has been worked out in fuller measure and juster proportions in Canada than in the United States. Canada has helped greatly to emphasize the truth, only yet half understood by the world, that it makes little difference whether the chief ruler of a country is called president, king or emperor, or whether the government is called a monarchy or republic. These are but incidents. What is important, what is essential,if freedom is to be won and maintained, is that the people understand their rights and have the courage to maintain them at any sacrifice. It was the leaven of freedom working in the lump of the British people that gave the world the Magna Charta, Montford's rebellion,

Cromwell and the Commonwealth, the Revolution of 1688,and the still greater Revolution of 1776.

This last event broke from the parent stem one of the strong branches of the Anglo-Saxon family, and gave each an opportunity to work out in different ways the ideals after which both were striving. And who will say that the descendants of Cromwellians and Quakers, Nonconformists and

Churchmen, whose ancestors, from force of circumstances or love of country remained in their island home, are not to-day breathing the air of freedom as pure and unadulterated as their cousins on the banks of the Charles or in the valleys of the historic Brandywine. At any rate, we who live in this northern country, that escaped the cataclysm of 1776, feel that Canada has been no unimportant factor in helping to work out the great problem of government for and by the consent of the governed.